Perspectives from the pandemic epicenter: Sexual and reproductive health of immigrant women in New York City.

CONTEXT: The United States' response to COVID-19 created a policy, economic, and healthcare provision environment that had implications for the sexual and reproductive health (SRH) of racialized and minoritized communities. Perspectives from heterogenous immigrant communities in New York City, the pandemic epicenter in the United States (US), provides a glimpse into how restrictive social policy environments shape contraception, abortion, pregnancy preferences, and other aspects of SRH for marginalized immigrant communities. METHODS: We conducted in-depth interviews in 2020 and 2021 with 44 cisgender immigrant women from different national origins and 19 direct service providers for immigrant communities in New York City to explore how immigrants were forced to adapt their SRH preferences and behaviors to the structural barriers of the COVID-19 pandemic. We coded and analyzed the interviews using a constant comparative approach. RESULTS: Pandemic-related fears and structural barriers to healthcare access shaped shifts in contraceptive use and preferences among our participants. Immigrant women weighed their concerns for health and safety and the potential of facing discrimination as part of their contraceptive preferences. Immigrants also described shifts in their pregnancy preferences as rooted in concerns for their health and safety and economic constraints unique to immigrant communities. CONCLUSION: Understanding how immigrant women's SRH shifted in response to the structural and policy constraints of the COVID-19 pandemic can reveal how historically marginalized communities will be impacted by an increasingly restrictive reproductive health and immigration policy landscape.

Disparities in Mistreatment During Childbirth.

Importance: Lack of respectful maternity care may be a key factor associated with disparities in maternal health. However, mistreatment during childbirth has not been widely documented in the US. Objectives: To estimate the prevalence of mistreatment by health care professionals during childbirth among a representative multistate sample and to identify patient characteristics associated with mistreatment experiences. Design, Setting, and Participants: This cross-sectional study used representative survey data collected from respondents to the 2020 Pregnancy Risk and Monitoring System in 6 states and New York City who had a live birth in 2020 and participated in the Postpartum Assessment of Health Survey at 12 to 14 months' post partum. Data were collected from January 1, 2021, to March 31, 2022. Exposures: Demographic, social, clinical, and birth characteristics that have been associated with patients' health care experiences. Main Outcomes and Measures: Any mistreatment during childbirth, as measured by the Mistreatment by Care Providers in Childbirth scale, a validated measure of self-reported experiences of 8 types of mistreatment. Survey-weighted rates of any mistreatment and each mistreatment indicator were estimated, and survey-weighted logistic regression models estimated odds ratios (ORs) and 95% CIs. Results: The sample included 4458 postpartum individuals representative of 552 045 people who had live births in 2020 in 7 jurisdictions. The mean (SD) age was 29.9 (5.7) years, 2556 (54.4%) identified as White, and 2836 (58.8%) were commercially insured. More than 1 in 8 individuals (13.4% [95% CI, 11.8%-15.1%]) reported experiencing mistreatment during childbirth. The most common type of mistreatment was being "ignored, refused request for help, or failed to respond in a timely manner" (7.6%; 95% CI, 6.5%-8.9%). Factors associated with experiencing mistreatment included being lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer identifying (unadjusted OR [UOR], 2.3; 95% CI, 1.4-3.8), Medicaid insured (UOR, 1.4; 95% CI, 1.1-1.8), unmarried (UOR, 0.8; 95% CI, 0.6-1.0), or obese before pregnancy (UOR, 1.3; 95% CI, 1.0-1.7); having an unplanned cesarean birth (UOR, 1.6; 95% CI, 1.2-2.2), a history of substance use disorder (UOR, 2.6; 95% CI, 1.3-5.1), experienced intimate partner or family violence (UOR, 2.3; 95% CI, 1.3-4.2), mood disorder (UOR, 1.5; 95% CI, 1.1-2.2), or giving birth during the COVID-19 public health emergency (UOR, 1.5; 95% CI, 1.1-2.0). Associations of mistreatment with race and ethnicity, age, educational level, rural or urban geography, immigration status, and household income were ambiguous. Conclusions and Relevance: This cross-sectional study of individuals who had a live birth in 2020 in 6 states and New York City found that mistreatment during childbirth was common. There is a need for patient-centered, multifaceted interventions to address structural health system factors associated with negative childbirth experiences.

Structural Racism and Use of Labor Neuraxial Analgesia Among Non-Hispanic Black Birthing People.

OBJECTIVE: To assess the association between structural racism and labor neuraxial analgesia use. METHODS: This cross-sectional study analyzed 2017 U.S. natality data for non-Hispanic Black and White birthing people. The exposure was a multidimensional structural racism index measured in the county of the delivery hospital. It was calculated as the mean of three Black-White inequity ratios (ratios for lower education, unemployment, and incarceration in jails) and categorized into terciles, with the third tercile corresponding to high structural racism. The outcome was the labor neuraxial analgesia rate. Adjusted odds ratios and 95% CIs of neuraxial analgesia associated with terciles of the index were estimated with multivariate logistic regression models. Black and White people were compared with the use of an interaction term between race and ethnicity and the racism index. RESULTS: Of the 1,740,716 birth certificates analyzed, 396,303 (22.8%) were for Black people. The labor neuraxial analgesia rate was 77.2% for Black people in the first tercile of the racism index, 74.7% in the second tercile, and 72.4% in the third tercile. For White people, the rates were 80.4%, 78.2%, and 78.2%, respectively. For Black people, compared with the first tercile of the racism index, the second tercile was associated with 18.4% (95% CI, 16.9-19.9%) decreased adjusted odds of receiving neuraxial analgesia and the third tercile with 28.3% (95% CI, 26.9-29.6%) decreased adjusted odds. For White people, the decreases were 13.4% (95% CI, 12.5-14.4%) in the second tercile and 15.6% (95% CI, 14.7-16.5%) in the third tercile. A significant difference in the odds of neuraxial analgesia was observed between Black and White people for the second and third terciles. CONCLUSION: A multidimensional index of structural racism is associated with significantly reduced odds of receiving labor neuraxial analgesia among Black people and, to a lesser extent, White people.

Associations between individual and structural level racism and gestational age at birth in the Nulliparous Pregnancy Outcomes Study: Monitoring mothers-to-be.

The purpose of this study was to investigate the associations between multilevel racism and gestational age at birth among nulliparous non-Hispanic Black, non-Hispanic White and Hispanic women. We conducted a secondary analysis of data of the nuMoM2b Study (2010-2013) to examine the associations between individual and structural-level experiences of racism and discrimination and gestational age at birth among nulliparous women (n=7,732) at eight sites across the U.S. Measures included the individual Experiences of Discrimination (EOD) scale and the Index of Concentration (ICE) at the Extremes to measure structural racism. After adjustment,we observed a significant individual and structural racism interaction on gestational length (p=0.03). In subgroup analyses, we found that among these with high EOD scores, women who were from households concentrated in the more privileged group had significantly longer gestations (ß = 1.07, 95% CI: 0.24, 1.90). Women who reported higher EOD scores and more economic privilege had longer gestations, demonstrating the moderating effect of ICE as a measure of structural racism. In conclusion, ICE may represent a modifiable factor in the prevention of adverse birth outcomes in nulliparas.

State-Level Indicators of Structural Racism and Severe Adverse Maternal Outcomes During Childbirth.

OBJECTIVES: Structural racism (SR) is viewed as a root cause of racial and ethnic disparities in maternal health outcomes. However, evidence linking SR to increased odds of severe adverse maternal outcomes (SAMO) is scant. This study assessed the association between state-level indicators of SR and SAMO during childbirth. METHODS: Data for non-Hispanic Black and non-Hispanic white women came from the US Natality file, 2017-2018. The exposures were state-level Black-to-white inequity ratios for lower education level, unemployment, and prison incarceration. The outcome was patient-level SAMO, including eclampsia, blood transfusion, hysterectomy, or intensive care unit admission. Adjusted odds ratios (aORs) of SAMO associated with each ratio were estimated using multilevel models adjusting for patient, hospital, and state characteristics. RESULTS: A total of 4,804,488 birth certificates were analyzed, with 22.5% for Black women. SAMO incidence was 106.4 per 10,000 (95% CI 104.5, 108.4) for Black women, and 72.7 per 10,000 (95% CI 71.8, 73.6) for white women. Odds of SAMO increased 35% per 1-unit increase in the unemployment ratio for Black women (aOR 1.35; 95% CI 1.04, 1.73), and 16% for white women (aOR 1.16; 95% CI 1.01, 1.33). Odds of SAMO increased 6% per 1-unit increase in the incarceration ratio for Black women (aOR 1.06; 95% CI 1.03, 1.10), and 4% for white women (aOR 1.04; 95% CI 1.02, 1.06). No significant association was observed between SAMO and the lower education level ratio. CONCLUSIONS FOR PRACTICE: State-level Black-to-white inequity ratios for unemployment and incarceration are associated with significantly increased odds of SAMO.

Legislating Inequity: Structural Racism In Groups Of State Laws And Associations With Premature Mortality Rates.

Most evaluations of health equity policy have focused on the effects of individual laws. However, multiple laws' combined effects better reflect the crosscutting nature of structurally racist legal regimes. To measure the combined effects of multiple laws, we used latent class analysis, a method for detecting unobserved "subgroups" in a population, to identify clusters of US states based on thirteen structural racism-related legal domains in 2013. We identified three classes of states: one with predominantly harmful laws ([Formula: see text]), another with predominantly protective laws ([Formula: see text]), and a third with a mix of both ([Formula: see text]). Premature mortality rates overall-defined as deaths before age seventy-five per 100,000 population-were highest in states with predominantly harmful laws, which included eighteen states with past Jim Crow laws. This study offers a new method for measuring structural racism on the basis of how groups of laws are associated with premature mortality rates.

Effects of a Mentoring Program for Black, Indigenous, and People of Color and First-Generation Public Health Students.

OBJECTIVES: Among graduate public health students, Black, Indigenous, and other people of color (BIPOC; including Latinx, Asian, Middle Eastern and North African, Native Hawaiian and Pacific Islander, and multiracial) experience educational and personal challenges that require institutional support and reform. The objective of this study was to evaluate the effects of an antiracist mentorship program on the sense of belonging and overall experience among BIPOC and first-generation students at Columbia University Mailman School of Public Health in New York City. METHODS: We used 2 data sources to retrospectively evaluate experiences of BIPOC and first-generation graduate students: the 2021 Mentoring of Students and Igniting Community (MOSAIC) Student Survey (n = 39), which collected data on experiences of students who participated in the MOSAIC program, and the 2016-2020 Graduate Exit Surveys (n = 1222), which collected data on graduating students' experiences, satisfaction, and perspectives on diversity, equity, and inclusion. A difference-in-difference analysis compared overall experience, public health career preparedness, quality of life, and department satisfaction among all students before (2016-2018) and after (2019-2020) implementation of the MOSAIC program. RESULTS: Satisfaction among graduate students attributable to the MOSAIC program introduced in 2019 increased by about 25%. Compared with students who had not been exposed to MOSAIC, students exposed to MOSAIC had a 25% positive difference (P = .003) in overall graduate school experience, a 28% difference (P < .001) in quality of life, and a 10% difference (P = .001) in satisfaction with their departments. CONCLUSION: Mentorship for BIPOC and first-generation public health graduate students offers an effective strategy to improve student experiences and satisfaction with graduate departments and, ultimately, may help students meet educational and professional goals.

Disruptions in Sexual and Reproductive Health Care Service Delivery for Immigrants During COVID-19.

Purpose: To provide perspectives from heterogenous cisgender immigrant women and service providers for immigrants in New York City (NYC) on how restrictive sexual and reproductive health (SRH) care delivery environments during COVID-19 shape immigrant's access to health care and health outcomes to generate insights for clinical practices and policies for immigrant women's health care needs. Methods: A qualitative study was conducted in 2020 and 2021, including in-depth interviews with 44 immigrant women from different national origins and 19 direct service providers for immigrant communities in NYC to explore how immigrants adapted to and were impacted by pandemic-related SRH care service delivery barriers. Interviews were coded and analyzed using a constant comparative approach. Results: Pandemic-related delays and interrupted health care, restrictive accompaniment policies, and the transition from in-person to virtual care compounded barriers to care for immigrant communities. Care delays and interruptions forced some participants to live with untreated health conditions, resulting in physical pain and emotional distress. Participants also experienced challenges within the health care system because of changes to visitor policies that restricted the accompaniment of family members or support persons. Some participants experienced difficulties accessing telehealth and technology, while others welcomed the flexibility given the demands of frontline work and childcare. Conclusions: To mitigate the health and social implications of increasingly restrictive immigration, reproductive, and social policies, clinical practices like expanding access to care for all immigrants, engaging immigrant communities in health care institutions policies and practices, and integrating immigrant's support networks into care play an important role.

The role of legal status and uncertainty in the reproductive aspirations of 1.5 and second generation Mexican-origin immigrant young women: An exploratory study.

Background: The 1.5 generation, brought to the U.S. prior to age 16, faces barriers that the second generation, U.S.-born to immigrant parents, does not, including only temporary legal protection through the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) Program. Little is known about how legal status and uncertainty shape cisgender immigrant young women's reproductive aspirations. Methods: Drawing on the Theory of Conjunctural Action with attention to the immigrant optimism and bargain hypotheses, we conducted an exploratory qualitative study using semi-structured interviews with seven 1.5 generation DACA recipients and eleven second generation Mexican-origin women, 21-33 years old in 2018. Interviews focused on reproductive and life aspirations, migration experiences, and childhood and current economic disadvantage. We conducted a thematic analysis using a deductive and inductive approach. Results: Data resulted in a conceptual model on the pathways through which uncertainty and legal status shape reproductive aspirations. Participants aspired to complete higher education and have a fulfilling career, financial stability, a stable partnership, and parents' support prior to considering childbearing. For the 1.5 generation, uncertainty of their legal status makes the thought of parenting feel scary, while for the second generation, the legal status of their parents makes parenting feel scary. Achieving desired stability before childbearing is more challenging and uncertain for the 1.5 generation. Conclusions: Temporary legal status constrains young women's reproductive aspirations by limiting their ability to achieve desired forms of stability prior to parenting and making the thought of parenting frightening. More research is needed to further develop this novel conceptual model.

Abortion Criminalization: A Public Health Crisis Rooted in White Supremacy.

The Supreme Court decision to overturn Roe v. Wade and the growing onslaught of state laws that criminalize abortion are part of a long history of maintaining White supremacy through reproductive control of Black and socially marginalized lives. As public health continues to recognize structural racism as a public health crisis and advances its measurement, it is imperative to explicate the connection between abortion criminalization and White supremacy. In this essay, we highlight how antiabortion policies uphold White supremacy and offer concrete strategies for addressing abortion criminalization in structural racism measures and public health research and practice. (Am J Public Health. 2022;112(11):1662-1667. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2022.307014).

Nurse workforce diversity and reduced risk of severe adverse maternal outcomes.

BACKGROUND: Racial and ethnic diversification of the physician and nurse workforce is recommended as a leverage point to address the impact of structural racism in maternal care, but empirical evidence supporting this recommendation is currently lacking. OBJECTIVE: This study aimed to assess the association between state-level registered nurse workforce racial and ethnic diversity and severe adverse maternal outcomes during childbirth. STUDY DESIGN: This population-based cross-sectional study analyzed 2017 US birth certificate data. Severe adverse maternal outcomes included eclampsia, blood transfusion, hysterectomy, or intensive care unit admission. Proportions of minoritized racial and ethnic registered nurses in each state were abstracted from the American Community Survey (5-year estimate, 2013-2017). This proportion was categorized into 3 terciles, with the first tercile corresponding to the lowest proportion and the third tercile corresponding to the highest proportion. Crude and adjusted odds ratios and 95% confidence intervals of severe adverse maternal outcomes associated with terciles of the state proportion of minoritized racial and ethnic nurses were estimated using logistic regression models. RESULTS: Of the 3,668,813 birth certificates studied, 29,174 recorded severe adverse maternal outcomes (79.5 per 10,000; 95% confidence interval, 78.6-80.4). The mean state proportion of minoritized racial and ethnic nurses was 22.1%, ranging from 3.3% in Maine to 68.2% in Hawaii. For White mothers, the incidence of severe adverse outcomes was 85.3 per 10,000 for those who gave births in states in the first tercile of the proportion of minoritized racial and ethnic nurses and 53.9 per 10,000 for those who gave birth in states in the third tercile (risk difference, -31.4 per 10,000; 95% confidence interval, -34.4 to -28.5). It corresponds to a 37% decreased risk of severe adverse maternal outcomes associated with giving birth in a state in the third tercile (crude odds ratio, 0.63; 95% confidence interval, 0.60-0.66). A decreased risk of severe adverse maternal outcomes was observed for Black mothers (crude odds ratio, 0.65; 95% confidence interval, 0.61-0.70), Hispanic mothers (crude odds ratio, 0.51; 95% confidence interval, 0.48-0.54), and Asian and Pacific Islander mothers (crude odds ratio, 0.65; 95% confidence interval, 0.58-0.72) but not for Native American mothers (crude odds ratio, 0.89; 95% confidence interval, 0.72-1.09) or mothers with >1 race (crude odds ratio, 1.44; 95% confidence interval, 0.72-1.09). After adjustment for patients and hospital characteristics, giving birth in states in the third tercile was associated with a reduced risk of severe adverse outcomes as follows: 32% for White mothers (adjusted odds ratio, 0.68; 95% confidence interval, 0.59-0.77), 20% for Black mothers (adjusted odds ratio, 0.80; 95% confidence interval, 0.65-0.99), 31% for Hispanic mothers (adjusted odds ratio, 0.69; 95% confidence interval, 0.58-0.82), and 50% for Asian and Pacific Islander mothers (adjusted odds ratio, 0.50; 95% confidence interval, 0.38-0.65). The associations of the proportion of minoritized racial and ethnic nurses with the risk of severe adverse maternal outcomes were not statistically significant for Native American mothers and more than 1 race mothers. Results were similar when blood transfusion was excluded from the outcome measure. CONCLUSION: A diverse state registered nurse workforce was associated with a reduced risk of severe adverse maternal outcomes during childbirth.

Racism and health care: Experiences of Latinx immigrant women in NYC during COVID-19.

The COVID-19 pandemic has disproportionately affected minoritized racial groups, especially Latinx immigrants, evidenced by the high rates of COVID-19 infections, hospitalizations, and deaths among this population. With increasing xenophobia and anti-immigrant sentiment in parallel to the pandemic, it is critical to understand the perspectives of Latinx populations. This study explores Latinx immigrant women's perceptions of racism and xenophobia in their health care experiences in New York City (NYC) during the COVID-19 pandemic and, further, seeks to understand the role of perceived discrimination in health care settings and on health care access. Data were analyzed using a constant comparative method of analysis from twenty-one in-depth interviews conducted with foreign-born women in the five boroughs of New York City from diverse countries across Latin America. Four central themes emerged including: structural inequalities, discriminatory health care experiences, victimization in public institutions, and overcoming discrimination in health care settings. Latinx immigrant women described the ways in which perceptions and experiences of discrimination shaped their capacity to address health-related needs during the COVID-19 pandemic. This study provides evidence to a growing body of literature suggesting that structural racism and xenophobia and perceptions of anti-immigrant discrimination, including resulting structural inequalities, may have a negative effect on individuals' ability to access and engage the health care system, resulting in avoidance of health care services - a critical need during a global pandemic. Scholars, policymakers, and practitioners alike should be mindful of how racism and xenophobia shape Latinx immigrant communities' engagement with the health care system.

COVID-19 and gender-based violence service provision in the United States.

INTRODUCTION: Gender-based violence (GBV) policies and services in the United States (U.S.) have historically been underfunded and siloed from other health services. Soon after the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, reports emerged noting increases in GBV and disruption of health services but few studies have empirically investigated these impacts. This study examines how the existing GBV funding and policy landscape, COVID-19, and resulting state policies in the first six months of the pandemic affect GBV health service provision in the U.S. METHODS: This is a mixed method study consisting of 1) an analysis of state-by-state emergency response policies review; 2) a quantitative analysis of a survey of U.S.-based GBV service providers (N = 77); and 3) a qualitative analysis of in-depth interviews with U.S.-based GBV service providers (N = 11). Respondents spanned a range of organization types, populations served, and states. RESULTS: Twenty-one states enacted protections for GBV survivors and five states included explicit exemptions from non-essential business closures for GBV service providers. Through the surveys and interviews, GBV service providers note three major themes on COVID-19's impact on GBV services: reductions in GBV service provision and quality and increased workload, shifts in service utilization, and funding impacts. Findings also indicate GBV inequities were exacerbated for historically underserved groups. DISCUSSION: The noted disruptions on GBV services from the COVID-19 pandemic overlaid long-term policy and funding limitations that left service providers unprepared for the challenges posed by the pandemic. Future policies, in emergency and non-emergency contexts, should recognize GBV as essential care and ensure comprehensive services for clients, particularly members of historically underserved groups.

Publicly-Funded Services Providing Sexual, Reproductive, and Maternal Healthcare to Immigrant Women in the United States: A Systematic Review.

Sexual, reproductive, and maternal health (SRMH) care in the US is highly politicized, with restrictions that impede immigrant women's health. This review describes SRMH outcomes among immigrant women accessing publicly-funded services. We examined articles published from December 2007 to August 2020 in PubMed, PsycINFO, and Web of Science databases, following PRISMA guidelines. Included articles (n = 9) consisted of predominantly Latina immigrant samples. The majority included a subsample of women classified as vulnerable due to low income, low educational attainment, and/or documentation status. Our search strategy included a range of SRMH outcomes; however, the majority of articles focused on prenatal care (PNC). Over half of the articles revealed that underserved immigrant women with access to Medicaid/CHIP during expansion had higher rates of PNC adequacy compared to those without access. There is a need for more research on the impact of publicly-funded services other than Medicaid on outcomes beyond PNC.

Reproductive justice in the time of COVID-19: a systematic review of the indirect impacts of COVID-19 on sexual and reproductive health.

OBJECTIVE: Despite gendered dimensions of COVID-19 becoming increasingly apparent, the impact of COVID-19 and other respiratory epidemics on women and girls' sexual and reproductive health (SRH) have yet to be synthesized. This review uses a reproductive justice framework to systematically review empirical evidence of the indirect impacts of respiratory epidemics on SRH. METHODS: We searched MEDLINE and CINAHL for original, peer-reviewed articles related to respiratory epidemics and women and girls' SRH through May 31, 2021. Studies focusing on various SRH outcomes were included, however those exclusively examining pregnancy, perinatal-related outcomes, and gender-based violence were excluded due to previously published systematic reviews on these topics. The review consisted of title and abstract screening, full-text screening, and data abstraction. RESULTS: Twenty-four studies met all eligibility criteria. These studies emphasized that COVID-19 resulted in service disruptions that effected access to abortion, contraceptives, HIV/STI testing, and changes in sexual behaviors, menstruation, and pregnancy intentions. CONCLUSIONS: These findings highlight the need to enact policies that ensure equitable, timely access to quality SRH services for women and girls, despite quarantine and distancing policies. Research gaps include understanding how COVID-19 disruptions in SRH service provision, access and/or utilization have impacted underserved populations and those with intersectional identities, who faced SRH inequities notwithstanding an epidemic. More robust research is also needed to understand the indirect impact of COVID-19 and epidemic control measures on a wider range of SRH outcomes (e.g., menstrual disorders, fertility services, gynecologic oncology) in the long-term.

The impact of respiratory epidemics, like COVID-19 on women and girls' sexual and reproductive health (SRH) is not yet known. This review applies a reproductive justice framework, to systematically review the impact of respiratory epidemics on SRH, in order to examine the impact of COVID-19 on equitable, sustained access to quality SRH services for all populations. This framework highlights the right to reproductive autonomy, including the right to have an abortion, conceive, bear and raise children; and is inclusive of the intersectionality of race, class and gender. This review includes original, peer-reviewed research related to COVID-19 and women and girls' SRH through May 31, 2021, and consisted of title and abstract screening, full-text screening, and data abstraction. Overall, twenty-four studies met eligibility criteria. Results emphasize that the COVID-19 pandemic resulted in service disruptions that effected access to abortion, contraceptives, HIV/STI testing, and changes in changes in sexual behaviors, menstruation, and pregnancy intentions. These findings highlight the urgent need to enact policies that ensure equitable, timely access to quality SRH services for women and girls, despite pandemic response policies. This review also highlights opportunities to better understand how COVID-19 related disruptions in SRH service provision, access and/or utilization have impacted underserved populations and those with intersectional identities, who faced SRH inequities prior to the COVID-19 pandemic. More research is needed to understand the indirect impact of COVID-19 and epidemic control measures on a wider range of SRH outcomes (e.g., menstrual disorders, fertility services, gynecologic oncology) in the long-term.

Measuring structural xenophobia: US State immigration policy climates over ten years.

There is an increasing need to understand the structural drivers of immigrant health inequities, including xenophobic and racist policies at the state level in the United States. Databases aggregate state policies related to immigration and research using single year indices examines state policy and immigrant health. Yet none of these sources use a theoretically informed social determinants of immigrant health approach to consider state environments longitudinally, include both exclusionary and inclusionary policies, and are relevant to immigrants from any region of the world or ethnic group. Using an established social determinants of immigrant health framework, a measure of structural xenophobia was created using fourteen policies across five domains: access to public health benefits, higher education, labor and employment, driver's licenses and identification, and immigration enforcement over a ten-year period (2009-2019). To create the Immigration Policy Climate (IPC) index, we used data from state legislatures as well as policy databases from foundations, advocacy organizations, and scholarly articles. We identified and coded 714 US state policies across the 50 US States and the District of Columbia from 2009 to 2019. We calculated annual IPC index scores (range: 12 - 12) as a continuous measure (negative scores: exclusionary; positive scores: inclusionary). Results show that the US has an exclusionary immigration policy climate at the state-level (mean IPC score of -2.5). From 2009 to 2019, two-thirds of state-level immigration policies are exclusionary towards immigrants. About 75% of states experienced a 4-point change or less on the IPC index, and no state changed from largely exclusive to largely inclusive. By aggregating comprehensive, detailed data and a measure of state-level immigration policies over time, the IPC index provides population health researchers with rigorous evidence with which to assess structural xenophobia and an opportunity for longitudinal research on health inequities and immigrant health.

State-level structural sexism and cesarean sections in the United States.

The United States (U.S.) has one of the highest cesarean rates in the world yet little research considers structural factors, like racism and sexism, associated with the higher than recommended cesarean rate. New research operationalizes and quantifies structural sexism across U.S. states, which allows for consideration of how social norms and values around women and their bodies relate to the overmedicalization of birth through cesarean sections. We obtained restricted natality data for 2018 from the U.S. National Center for Health Statistics. In 2018, among people 15-49 years, 987,187 births fit the criteria for low-risk of cesarean section. Structural sexism scores were derived from 6 elements covering economic, political, cultural, and physical arenas that were totaled and standardized to create an aggregate index for each state and DC (scores range from -1.06 to 1.4). Using multivariable logistic and multilevel mixed effects logistic regression models, we examined the associations between structural sexism and low-risk cesarean section for all fifty states and the District of Columbia, controlling for relevant confounders. We found that structural sexism in 2018 was highest in historically religious mountain states and the South. Nationally, the low-risk cesarean rate was 25.1%. Multilevel models show that people living in states with higher structural sexism scores were more likely to have a cesarean section (OR = 1.22, 95% CI: 1.07-1.39). Structural sexism is related to low-risk cesarean rates in U.S., providing evidence that social ideas and norms about women and their bodies are related to overmedicalization of birth. Health policymakers, providers and scholars should pay attention to structural drivers, including structural sexism, as a factor that affects overmedicalization of birth and subsequent health outcomes for pregnant people and their infants.

'Scrambling to figure out what to do': a mixed method analysis of COVID-19's impact on sexual and reproductive health and rights in the United States.

OBJECTIVE: A weak and politicised COVID-19 pandemic response in the United States (US) that failed to prioritise sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR) overlaid longstanding SRHR inequities. In this study we investigated how COVID-19 affected SRHR service provision in the US during the first 6 months of the pandemic. METHODS: We used a multiphase, three-part, mixed method approach incorporating: (1) a comprehensive review of state-by-state emergency response policies that mapped state-level actions to protect or suspend SRHR services including abortion, (2) a survey of SRHR service providers (n=40) in a sample of 10 states that either protected or suspended services and (3) in-depth interviews (n=15) with SRHR service providers and advocacy organisations. RESULTS: Twenty-one states designated some or all SRHR services as essential and therefore exempt from emergency restrictions. Protections, however, varied by state and were not always comprehensive. Fourteen states acted to suspend abortion. Five cross-cutting themes surrounding COVID-19's impact on SRHR services emerged across the survey and interviews: reductions in SRHR service provision; shifts in service utilisation; infrastructural impacts; the critical role of state and local governments; and exacerbation of SRHR inequities for certain groups. CONCLUSIONS: This study demonstrates serious disruptions to the provision of SRHR care that exacerbated existing SRHR inequities. The presence or absence of policy protections for SRHR services had critical implications for providers and patients. Policymakers and service providers must prioritise and integrate SRHR into emergency preparedness planning and implementation, with earmarked funding and tailored service delivery for historically oppressed groups.